Showing posts with label mental health. Show all posts
Showing posts with label mental health. Show all posts

Thursday, September 8, 2011

City Mouse, Country Mouse, Autistic Mouse

There's one more thing from Unstrange Minds that stuck in my head, that I didn't think to include in this post and which probably deserves its own post anyway, given how much stuff was already in the other post.

Anyway, in the chapter on autism in South Korea, Roy Richard Grinker alludes to something I've seen mentioned before, and am curious about.

While describing differences between rural South Korean villages and the capital city of Seoul in how these communities treat their autistic members, Grinker mentions some research conducted by the World Health Organization comparing how well people with mental illnesses fare in developed vs. developing countries:


An agricultural area often belittled by Koreans and long neglected by the government, Cholla-do remains the most underdeveloped region in one of the richest countries in the world. Cholla residents are familiar with discrimination and adversity and find it hard to improve their class and social status. They consider it a great success to make one's career in Seoul, where more than 25 percent of South Korea's 44 million people now live.
...
Still, after asking a few questions here and there (Are there any children who don't speak well? Are there children here with brain disorders?), I found a sixteen-year-old boy and a nine-year-old girl in a mountainous county. Everyone seemed to know about them. And when I talked to the barber and the local grocery-store owner about them, there was no hint of discomfort or pity. Peter, as his mother wanted him to be called, was good with bicycles and served as a messenger for two villages, delivering letters and packages with a broad smile. He saw a doctor once every two months and was medicated with a small dose of an antipsychotic drug that calmed his anxiety and some of his repetitive movements. The girl, Soo-Rin, was in the village with her single mother only on weekends because she attended a special school for children with Down syndrome, cerebral palsy, and mental retardation. But everyone knew her too. Her room at home was lovely, pink with lace curtains, stuffed animals, and Disney characters. Her mother said she takes a medication at school to help her pay attention, but she didn't know what it was called. In these villages, you can find proof of something the World Health Organization has been arguing for years: People with mental disorders do better over time in remote, nonindustrial societies than in urban, industrial ones.

I'd read about that research before, in Robert Whitaker's book Anatomy of an Epidemic; in that book, he argues that the reason the people in developing countries are more likely to recover from acute mental illnesses, and don't become chronically mentally ill as often as people in developed countries, is because people in developing countries often don't have access to psychiatric medication, which Whitaker argues actually worsen a person's condition over time.

Grinker lists an earlier book by Whitaker --- Mad in America --- in his bibliography, along with a book-length follow-up to this study (full text here), but he is not making Whitaker's argument here. Instead, he thinks the people in the rural villages are more accepting than the people in the cities:


This is not to say that life for the disabled is easy in the villages --- even someone with a mild speech impediment, who is otherwise normal, will have just as much trouble finding a spouse as an urban dweller with the same problem. And parents can be just as devastated. One man confessed to me that in his despair he once took his young autistic son high up in the mountains, intending to slit his throat, but couldn't bring himself to do it. But for most parents of disabled children, life in the rich city of Seoul is more stressful than in the more humble village. One of the paradoxes of rural life is that people in the villages tend to be relatively accepting of diversity. Little remains secret, and there seems to be a place for everyone. In the rural areas, people assume that things would be much better for their children in the city. But in the city, in the sprawling, indistinguishable apartment complexes of Seoul, most people do not know their neighbors, even though they watch them as closely as they can. The pressures to measure up can seem overwhelming, and families try to keep anything that might reflect badly on their status hidden from view. The moment you bring your disabled child outside in this densely populated city is the moment you are confronted by strangers, people who will watch and judge you.
Later on, he says something that would seem to rule out Whitaker's non-drug hypothesis: the children he met in the rural villages were taking psychiatric medications, while very few of the children he met in Seoul were taking any.

He sees this as symptomatic of the prevailing viewpoint in Seoul that autism is basically a death sentence; if nothing can make an autistic child non-autistic, what's the point of drugs or therapies? It all just costs money, and with drugs there's also the matter of side effects to consider.

(I actually thought his interviewees' concern about the side effects of psychotropic drugs was sensible; I thought Grinker in this passage was being way too uncritical of US psychiatrists' willingness to prescribe these drugs to children when so little is known about their long-term or developmental effects. I think his point about the all-or-nothing mentality is a valid one --- and that mentality is certainly not restricted to South Korea! --- but I don't share his faith that drugs always lead to better quality of life. Indeed, often their use is a symptom of the same societal rigidity that he blames for making urban life so much harder for autistic people to participate in than rural life.)

Anyway, his mention of those WHO studies reminded me that I had wanted to read them (and there are still more follow-ups, meta-analyses and similar studies from more recent years, too), and post about them.

Sunday, May 3, 2009

Disordered Eating in Aspie Girls

ResearchBlogging.org I actually had no idea eating disorders were much of a problem for girls (and women) on the autism spectrum until I saw this BBC News story posted on Aspie World.

If anything, I would've thought we'd derive some measure of immunity to eating disorders --- or at least to the diet culture that fosters them --- from our social obliviousness.

According to Sharon's post, and this Greek study published in this past March's Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders, however, that's not quite true.

The study measured the attitudes of 56 teenage girls diagnosed with Asperger syndrome, and of 56 of their age-, height- and weight-matched female classmates, toward food, eating and body image using the EAT-26 questionnaire, which is a screening tool for eating disorders:

The adolescent girls were asked to complete the Eating Attitudes Test-26 (EAT-26, Garner et al. 1982), which assesses eating attitudes and behaviors. The purpose of this questionnaire is not to provide a diagnosis of eating disorders, but it is used as a screening instrument, and people who score above 20 are advised to consult a counselor or a physician. It has been validated and used in many different countries to explore eating attitudes mainly among adolescents and young people (Lynch et al. 2007). It is divided into three subscales, namely: a) dieting, which consists of 13 items (e.g., "I am terrified about being overweight"); b) bulimia and food preoccupation, which consists of 6 items (e.g., "I have gone on eating binges where I feel I may not be able to stop"); and c) oral control, which consists of 7 items (e.g., "I feel that others pressure me to eat"). The girls rated each item on a scale from 1 = "always" to 6 = "never", which was then transformed to an inverted 4-point scale in order to obtain the final score (ranging from 0 to 78). The Cronbach alpha [link] for the entire scale in this study was .86 and it is deemed satisfactory. The mothers completed the same questionnaire answering the questions for their daughters (e.g., "My daughter is terrified about being overweight").
Both the Aspie girls and their mothers reported more eating problems overall, though the mothers tended to report fewer problems than the daughters in both the AS and control groups, i.e., average total scores and average scores on each subscale were lower when the mothers filled out the questionnaire than when the girls themselves did. Also, a higher proportion of Aspie girls (26.8%, compared with just 7.1% of their peers) scored above 20, indicating serious problems. The Aspie girls also self-reported significantly more problems than their peers did, with significantly higher overall scores (16.34, compared with 12.39) and subscores in two of the three domains. The groups of girls did not differ significantly in dieting behavior.

The study's author, Efrosini Kalyva, attributes the greater incidence of disordered eating attitudes and behaviors in Aspie girls to the "rigid and repetitive behavior patterns" common in autism spectrum conditions. She raises the possibility that these eating problems might be the adolescent incarnation of the very picky eating typical of young autistic children.

Further reading:

Nestor L. Lopez-Duran blogged about this study when it was published online last September.

Kalyva cites this article in the Times of London in her Discussion section.

Kalyva, E. (2008). Comparison of Eating Attitudes between Adolescent Girls with and without Asperger Syndrome: Daughters’ and Mothers’ Reports Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders, 39 (3), 480-486 DOI: 10.1007/s10803-008-0648-5