Showing posts with label bizarre autism hypotheses. Show all posts
Showing posts with label bizarre autism hypotheses. Show all posts

Thursday, April 2, 2015

Bizarre Things Purported to Cause Autism: Hormonal Contraceptives

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: An article published last winter in Medical Hypotheses suggests that long-term use of hormonal contraceptives might raise the likelihood of one's future children being born autistic. There is no good reason to believe this; the only things the article offers as potential reasons for it are 1) a very tenuous temporal relationship between widespread contraceptive use and a later (much later) rise in autism prevalence; 2) a misinterpreted bit of information largely pertaining to fertility testing; and 3) "What If?" scenarios involving epigenetics. I am worried about potential political fallout, to the further detriment of children and teenagers' sex education in the US, should this idea be uncritically popularized.
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Of all the myriad forms anti-feminist backlash can take, anti-contraceptive fearmongering is probably the most irritating to me.

So when I stumbled across this appalling article in Medical Hypotheses while I was casting about for items to populate my list of proposed causes of autism, I knew I would have to write a post specifically addressing this one.

The author, Kim Strifert, says that it may be possible that taking combined oral contraceptives (the ones that include both an estrogen, typically ethinyl estradiol, and a progestin, like levonorgestrel, norethindrone, or any of these others) over a long period* of time can change the conditions inside the ova and perhaps trigger epigenetic modification of genomic DNA.

I'd love to go into more detail about how this is supposed to work, but I can't, because no such detail is provided in the article:
Given the lack of research on the effects of oral contraceptive use on progeny, it is impossible at this point to specify a mechanistic link between oral contraceptives and autism. This fact represents a meaningful limitation to the hypothesis presented in this review. However, recent research already suggests that the current understanding of the pharmacology of oral contraceptives may be over-simplified. It has been proposed, for example, that epigenetic side-effects of pharmaceuticals may be involved in the etiology of cancer, heart disease, neurological and cognitive disorders, obesity, infertility, and sexual dysfunction [7][PDF]. It has also been suggested that epigenetic assays be incorporated into the safety assessment of all pharmaceutical drugs, which might lead to new mechanistic insights in the future [7]. Finally, new evidence is emerging that oral contraceptive use directly and deleteriously affects both the ovaries and the ova [8]. Thus, we are at a point where some concrete mechanistic hypotheses may be achievable in the near future.
What she does offer in support of her hypothesis is summarized here:
  • Temporal correlation between use of oral contraceptives and increased prevalence of ASD.
  • To date no definitive cause or contributing factors for increase in ASD prevalence has been established.
  • Oral contraceptives disrupt the endocrine system -- COC's are endocrine disruptors.
  • Oral contraceptives directly and deleteriously affect both the ovaries and ova.
  • Likely effects of oral contraceptives on progeny are an open question.
  • The called-for [by Dr. Roy Hertz**] further study and controlled follow-up of the possible transgenerational effects of oral contraceptive use has not been executed.
I will address these one at a time.

The first bullet point, the temporal correlation between use of oral contraceptives and autism prevalence, is true enough, but there are temporal correlations between lots of unrelated things. There's a whole mess of 'em archived for educational and comedic effect at Tyler Vigen's website Spurious Correlations. A cursory look at that website should be all the explanation you need of why this is not very good evidence that the two variables actually have anything to do with one another.

And even if we ignore that aspect of it, the time frames of the two trends -- increasing oral contraceptive use over time and increasing prevalence of autism over time -- don't quite overlap the way we would expect them to if there really were any sort of cause-and-effect relationship between them.

If there were such a relationship, we would expect a graph showing autism prevalence rates to be sort of a muted echo of a graph showing oral contraceptive use -- lower numbers overall, and trailing by maybe 5-10 years, but roughly the same shape, with peaks corresponding to peaks in the contraceptive-use graph.

Instead of that, we see two graphs of very different shapes, with their peaks separated by a much wider margin than would be possible if Strifert's hypothesis were true.

I cannot find comprehensive data on how many women used The Pill for every year between 1960, when it was approved, and now, but I can cobble together enough information from several different places to sketch a rough outline.
A very, very loose sketch of oral contraceptive usage in the US between 1960 and 2010, stitched together from numbers provided by PBS, the CDC (PDF, PDF), the Kaiser Family Foundation and the Guttmacher Institute
I can't vouch for the strictest accuracy of this picture, but the overall shape -- up, up, up, then slowing down, then a dip, then holding steady at about 10 million -- I'm reasonably confident in. 

By way of contrast, here is a graph of autism prevalence rates from 1985 to 2012 that Emily Willingham made:
Autism prevalence, 1985-2012, by Emily Willingham

As you can see, the shapes are very, very, very different! The graph of oral contraceptive use starts shooting upwards immediately, and then slows down its rate of increase, and then hits its peak and flattens out, while the graph of autism prevalence rises very slowly before it finally begins to build up steam. Like a logarithmic vs. an exponential*** curve...

They both trend upward, but other than that, they have little in common.

Even more important than the shape is the timing. Oral contraceptive use seems to hit its peak around the mid-to-late-1970s, while autism prevalence has perhaps not even peaked yet. It has a long, slow rise with what appear to be two inflection points, one around 2001 and another at about 2005.

Twenty-five years is an awfully long lag time between getting on the Pill and having young children. My mom could easily have been taking the Pill in the mid-1970s, and she had me thirty years ago! And I was diagnosed in 1989 or 1990, when the graph of autism prevalence was still hugging the x-axis.

The women making up that first big wave of oral contraceptive users are probably more likely to be the grandmothers of the children making up the present Autism Epidemic than they are to be their mothers.

The second bullet point is not really an argument in support of a causal relationship between contraceptive use and autism in progeny -- it's just saying, "Well, we don't know what causes autism, so why not entertain my idea?"

The third bullet point -- that hormonal contraceptives are endocrine disruptors -- is kind of a tautology. Of course they are endocrine disruptors -- they wouldn't be able to suppress ovulation if they were not.

Pointing out that hormonal contraceptives are endocrine disruptors is about as helpful as running up to someone and announcing that the Tylenol they are about to take will interfere with their body's natural warning system by dulling their sensations of pain. They know that; that is why they're taking the pill in the first place!

Finally, let's return to the first passage I quoted, which is the first mention of bullet point #4, "[o]ral contraceptives directly and deleteriously affect both the ovaries and ova." The source Strifert gives for this statement -- the "new evidence" that is "emerging" -- is this article on the biotechnology news website BioscienceTechnology.com.

What that article says is very different from what Strifert seems to think it says.

Prolonged hormonal contraceptive use does indeed shrink the ovaries, lower the levels of anti-Müllerian hormone in the blood, and reduce the number of ovarian follicles at a certain stage of maturation. Those two things are considered reliable indicators of how many egg cells might be left within the ovary.

(Here is a literature review comparing the relative merits of those two biomarkers)

However, the researchers who discovered this -- Dr. Kathrine Birch Petersen and her team -- do not think these effects are permanent, and are mostly concerned with making sure people getting their fertility tested after just coming off of birth control get an accurate estimate of their ovarian reserves. Dr. Birch Petersen is especially worried that this temporary suppression of ovarian-reserve markers by long-term contraceptive use might mask a naturally low ovarian reserve, something a person wishing to become pregnant would want to know about.

Here she is, quoted in the Bioscience Technology article:
Birch Petersen's team does not believe these changes [decreased ovarian volume, lower AMH levels, lower antral follicle count] are permanent. But as a result of the study, she said, women in the Pre-conceptional Care Program who have been on the contraceptive pill are now advised that their ovaries may look older and smaller, and may possess only a few small antral follicles, with low levels of AMH for a time after stopping. They are told this likely does not affect future fertility for most women. 
But it could matter for women undergoing premature menopause. Naturally diminished ovarian reserves could be masked by the above. It is therefore possible ovarian reserve assessment should be repeated after stopping birth control pills. 
"Worldwide, 160 million women are on the pill," Birch Petersen told Bioscience. "One percent will go into early menopause before the age of 40. The pill can mask the symptoms of early menopause, and this is why women should consider repeating the tests after six months [off the pill], if they have a low ovarian reserve." 
Next up, says Birch Petersen: "To examine what happens with the ovarian reserve parameters after one, three, and six months."
And here is a short press release published last year on the Clinical Endocrinology News website:
Oral contraceptives do more than prevent unwanted pregnancy. They also make it harder to gauge a woman's ovarian reserve, based on data from 833 women aged 19-46 years seen at a single Danish fertility clinic. 
Study findings suggested that an accurate measure of a woman's ovarian reserve can occur only after she has been off an estrogen-containing [oral contraceptive], probably for at least 3 months, Dr. Kathrine Birch Petersen reported at the annual meeting of the European Society of Human Reproduction and Embryology. 
The impact of estrogen-containing OC use on reducing ovarian volume was especially pronounced in women under 30, the reduction increased with longer durations of OC use, and the ability of OC's to mask a woman's actual ovarian reserve was strong enough to potentially conceal a true case of premature ovarian insufficiency, said Dr. Birch Petersen, an ob.gyn. at the Fertility Assessment and Counseling Clinic at Righospitalet in Copenhagen. 
"When we see a woman on an OC with impaired ovarian reserve, we would presume [based on these new findings] that her real ovarian reserve was about 30% higher than what we measure. We would advise her to be retested after she was off her OC for about 3 months," Dr. Birch Petersen said during a press conference before her presentation at the meeting. 
The study included the first women seen at the clinic since it opened in 2011, excluding those who were pregnant or failed to supply adequate information. The cross-sectional cohort included 240 women on estrogen-containing OC and 593 women with natural cycles. 
The analysis focused on three parameters: blood level of anti-Müllerian hormone (AMH), antral follicle count (AFC), and ovarian volume. The multivariate, linear regression analysis adjusted for age, body mass index, smoking, age of maternal menopause, maternal smoking during pregnancy, preterm birth, and duration of OC use. 
The analysis showed that compared with the women with natural cycles, those on an OC had a 19% relative reduction in their average blood level of AMH, a 16% reduction in average AFC, and a 47% relative reduction in average ovarian volume. The women on an OC also had smaller antral follicles. All three differences were statistically significant. 
Seeing an effect from an estrogen-containing OC on all three measures makes sense because of their interrelatedness. The antral follicles produce AMH, and a reduction in antral follicle number as well as size would shrink the ovarian contents and result in reduced volume. These results would not occur in women on a progestin-only OC, she said.
This additional context makes it clear to me that the changes wrought on the ovary by estrogen-containing contraceptives are indeed temporary.

And here is one more thing I wonder -- why autism? Why would the kind of epigenetic interference Strifert seems to be postulating only result in one type of developmental disability? I know autism is a broad category, but still -- why would only development of the nervous system be affected? Why not all aspects of fetal development?

(A cynic's response to that question would be, because autism is the biggest cultural bogeyman with which to threaten prospective parents. See also: the anti-vaccine movement.)

I would not be opposed to any of the further research into contraceptive safety, uterine and ovarian physiology, or potential alternative methods for contraception!

Even though I do not think it likely at all that what she suspects is true, I think that only good could come of additional efforts to develop even safer methods of contraception that work in multiple different ways.

But what I do not want to happen, which I strongly suspect would be a more likely near-term consequence of Strifert's article gaining widespread attention, is for her warnings to be hyperbolized (instead of the question "what is the effect of long-term hormonal contraceptive use on the ova?" it would become the statement "using hormonal contraceptives means that your children will be born with developmental disabilities later on") and be taught to teenagers in sex education classes as yet another reason they should eschew any and all birth control methods. Sex education classes in the US already lie to children about the efficacy of condoms and tell them that total sexual abstinence is the only way to protect themselves, so adding one more lie to the list is hardly unthinkable.

And looking at the path Strifert's ideas have taken into the blogosphere, this impression -- that, far from echoing her call for more research and development of new contraceptive methods and for improved safety of existing methods, the blogs reporting on her article merely urge their readers to eschew hormonal methods of contraception entirely.

The only blog post I could find dealing with this specific article is this one, by Dr. Kelly Brogan, MD, who despite her medical training seems to reject all of modern, conventional medicine in favor of diet and lifestyle changes.

There are other posts that express a similar idea -- that birth control pills can cause autism in one's future children -- but credit a different source and propose a different mechanism by which it happens (usually gut bacteria rather than the epigenetic explanation loosely sketched by Strifert); those blogs are about an even mix of anti-vaccine, alternative medicine blogs that advocate rejection of all conventional medicine and Catholic blogs that reject all methods of contraception except Natural Family Planning and abstinence.


I do not think it is irrelevant that those are the types of the blogs on which this particular Bizarre Autism Hypothesis has appeared.


*Pun intended

**In a 1966 report by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration's Advisory Committee on Obstetrics and Gynecology; that report, physically archived at the University of Michigan, has been digitized and can be viewed online here.

***Or, what is more likely, a logistic curve. Populations cannot grow indefinitely.

Friday, January 23, 2015

An Incomplete List of Things that Have Been Postulated, In Earnest, as Possible Causes of Autism

(Note: Not all of these ideas are crank hypotheses; some of them are, a few were widely accepted in their day but are now regarded as crank notions, many are just people throwing things out there on the strength of statistical correlations, some have a fairly impressive body of evidence supporting them, and some are ones that I consider crankish but not everyone does -- the Extreme Male Brain theory being an example of this latter category. I do not use my "bizarre autism hypotheses" tag exclusively for bad science; just everything that strikes me as odd.)

In no particular order:

This is an incomplete list, so feel free to add anything you've heard that I have not listed here in the comments!

Wednesday, July 16, 2014

Bizarre Things Purported to Cause Autism: Glyphosate in Pesticides

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: This is the first of two posts dealing with the claim by MIT researcher Stephanie Seneff that a chemical found in Monsanto's RoundUp herbicide is implicated in the increase in autism prevalence rates in recent years.

This post does not address the claim itself, but evaluates whether Dr. Seneff is a credible source.

She does appear to have credibility and standing in the field of computer science -- particularly the subfield of natural language processing -- and has a lengthy publication history and an impressive array of citations within that field. But in public health, she mostly seems relegated to fringe conferences, the Internet and one not particularly selective journal.
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Sometimes I wonder if I should even be bothering to write about some of these autism hypotheses, because they're so fringe, and most people haven't even heard them, much less believe them to be true, but since I mostly write about these for my own amusement, and to satisfy my collector's instinct, the feeling soon passes.

Anyway, on Tumblr I came across a link to this article on some bogus "alternative health" website, about a senior research scientist at MIT who's been going around giving presentations (at conferences of dubious repute, like AutismOne and this anti-GMO symposium hosted by this day spa/alternative medical clinic in Groton, Massachusetts) about how pesticides --- specifically, pesticides containing glyphosate --- are turning everyone autistic.
This was one of the ads in the sidebar of that article

I will address the specifics of Dr. Seneff's claims in another post, because right now I see a golden opportunity to talk about source evaluation, and I'm taking it.

Every news article I could find on this topic had a headline along the lines of, "MIT researcher says chemical in RoundUp linked to autism." That's true as far as it goes (Stephanie Seneff is a researcher at MIT, and that is indeed what she says), but it also has the unfortunate effect of giving the reader the impression that MIT says those things, when really it's just her.

The closer you look at her background and publication history, the more red flags you see.

Her position at MIT is Senior Research Scientist at the MIT Computer Science and Artificial Intelligence Laboratory; she's a computer programmer, Jim, not a doctor!

Her advanced degrees are in electrical engineering and computer science, and her undergraduate degree --- the closest she gets to having any background whatsoever in biology or medicine --- is in biophysics.

Biophysics is a perfectly fine field of study --- it's an interdisciplinary melding of biology and physics --- but it's very broad, and it seems to me like it isn't so much a specialty in itself as it is a collection of specific research topics that require study from both biological and physics perspectives. 

Parts of it deal with atomic-level interactions between molecules: figuring out, in exacting detail, how any particular grouping of molecules fits together; how an enzyme or receptor forms a complex with its target molecule; how proteins arrive at, and maintain, their three-dimensional shape. Parts of it deal with electrostatic interactions between those same atoms and molecules, as in the study of ion channels, or the difference in electrostatic potential that exists across cell membranes.

Parts of it are more purely mathematical or computational, dealing with mathematical modeling and computer simulations.

That actually all sounds super interesting and cool, but the point is that most of those areas of inquiry are things that would benefit from investigation by very carefully chosen teams of experts in diverse fields, not one person, and it also seems to me like a bachelor's degree in biophysics (where the option exists -- it looks like biophysics is more often a graduate degree program) involves a fairly solid grounding in basic physics, chemistry, and molecular/cellular biology (as distinct from organismal or population biology, I mean) and then your choice of advanced courses in a very wide range of topics.

Here are some lists of degree requirements for a B.S. in biophysics from various universities that offer it, if you want to look at them yourself: Johns Hopkins University (PDF); York University in Canada (PDF); Arizona State University; Wake Forest University

The point of all the foregoing is just to show that someone could have an undergraduate degree in biophysics that is weighted more heavily toward the physics or chemistry ends of things, with only cursory attention paid to cell biology and little or none to metabolism or physiology. 

Anyway, it looks like most of her research over the years has been concerned with speech and language, and improving computer recognition of human speech. Her Ph.D. thesis, according to this webpage, was a computer model of how the human brain processes language.

She seems to have only pivoted to medical research in recent years.

What's worse, she seems to be writing about a very wide range of unrelated topics in medicine: the heart, the brain, the gut, epigenetics, nutrition, toxicology, epidemiology ... how much can one person understand of so many disparate fields, especially when that person is trained primarily in computer science and has only just (2011-2014) begun to publish about any of them?

Also, when you look at her CV, you notice a striking change in the nature of her citations, corresponding with the change in subject matter.

Following her pivot to writing about public-health issues, more and more of her writing is either self-published (on her website) or published in a single journal, Entropy, which has been called a "pay to play" journal -- one that will publish whatever you send them, regardless of merit, as long as you pay the fee.

For comparison, when she was writing about natural language processing stuff she would be getting published in peer-reviewed journals* published by prestigious academic and professional organizations like IEEE (the Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers), the Acoustical Society of America, the European Association for Signal Processing, the International Speech Communication Association, and the Association for Computational Linguistics.

The same holds true for her speaking engagements. 

In the past, she's spoken about natural language processing stuff at international conferences in various fields relating to linguistics and computer science --- the International Conference on Spoken Language Processing in 1990, 1992, 1994, 1996, 2000, 2002, 2004, 2006, and 2010; the Conference of the International Speech Communication Association in 2007, 2009, 2010 and 2011; the European Conference on Speech Communication and Technology in 1991, 1993, 1995, 1997, 2001, 2003 and 2005; the International Conference on Computational Linguistics in 1996; the Conference on Empirical Methods in Natural Language Processing in 2009; the Special Interest Group on Discourse and Dialogue in 2010; and the IEEE International Conference on Acoustics, Speech, and Signal Processing in 1991, 1992, 1994, 20002008 and 2012 --- whereas her presentations about glyphosate seem to be given mostly to small gatherings of laypeople or at crank conferences, like the Weston A. Price Foundation's Wise Traditions Conference. (She's spoken at five of those!)

Given all of this, the logical thing to do is take whatever she has to say about medicine with a huge grain of salt.

* This is as good a place as any to point out that peer review isn't 100% effective at screening out dodgy science; even The Lancet managed to let Andrew Wakefield's fraudulent research slip past their vetting process. And just recently there's been a huge scandal over a "peer review ring" through which a few authors were able to fabricate favorable reviews of their submissions to make sure they would be published.  

Thursday, October 3, 2013

The Most Bizarre Autism Hypothesis Yet

Banner ad for a video and ebook promising to explain how "Global Elite Uses Vaccines to Create Autism", and also "How Autism Profits the Globalist Cronies"
A commenter on one of Orac's recent posts linked to this website, which lays out one of the most ludicrously counterfactual Autism Hypotheses I've ever seen: the global elites are deliberately making people autistic (using vaccines, obviously) because autistic people make better, more docile workers.
Graphic from anti-vaccine crank website showing the All-Seeing Eye as it appears on the Great Seal of the United States, as the capstone floating above a pyramid, with the Eye of Sauron photoshopped in as the pupil of the eye. The words "Neo Aristocrats" are superimposed over the eye, and over the pyramid below are the word "Servants" with a red line below it, and the words "Delta Technicians" (a reference to the caste of developmentally disabled menial laborers from Brave New World) below that. Below the picture is a quote from Lord David Freud, a Conservative member of the UK's House of Lords, in which he talks about the benefits to businesses of hiring autistic workers. He says, "... it makes good business sense to employ people who are reliable, punctual and loyal; people who have good attention to detail and concentration levels..." Indeed it does! But that doesn't mean people are running around zapping people with Autism Rays, or even hiring as many of us as there are who need jobs.
Now, if you're like me, you moved right past the first two absurd premises --- vaccines cause autism and big pharmaceutical companies want to make people sick --- because you've heard them so many times. No, what floored me was the immense, crushing irony of their believing that autistic people make such desirable employees.
There's that Brave New World reference again
Do they not know how many of us are unemployed, underemployed or mal-employed*?

They cite Goldman Sachs UK's recent decision to offer (paid!) internships and job placements to qualified autistic people in London as proof that autistic people make desirable workers, but they totally miss the fact that the company had to set aside these positions specifically for autistic applicants. Not only that, but this program (and others like it, at other firms like SAP and Freddie Mac) represents a long-overdue first step toward integrating autistic people who are willing and able to work into the mainstream economy. A first step. A departure from the way things are normally done. And a drop in the bucket compared to how many autistic people are still shut out of the conventional job market.

There is definitely a flaw in your plan for world domination if you've designed the perfect army of loyal minions, but most of them can't get a job working for you.

*Malemployment, if you didn't know, is Mark Romoser's term for the scenario in which a lot of autistic adults find ourselves: working at a job far below your skill level and at a task for which you are unsuited. Like, say, an autistic person with an advanced degree working food service, where they struggle to keep up with people's orders and to talk to customers and prepare food at the same time. Romoser wrote an article about it, but it is behind a paywall. You can buy the article from Amazon for a lot less than you would pay if you got it directly from the journal (i.e., six dollars as opposed to fifteen), but it's still not free.

Wednesday, February 20, 2013

Blaming the Patriarchy for Autistic Children

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: There's a brief passage in Betty Friedan's landmark study of American housewives in the 1950s and '60s, The Feminine Mystique, where she discusses autism. She embraces the understanding of autism popular at the time, which posits that autism is an emotional disturbance arising from the relationship between mother and child. Yet she parts company from other popularizers of this theory by arguing that the confining, constricted nature of the housewife role distorts women's personalities and their relationships with their husbands and children, thereby making psychological problems more, not less, likely in the families where the mothers are full-time housewives.

She was, of course, massively wrong about autism, though I think her overall thesis about women's needs, and the failure of traditional gender roles to meet them, was (and is!) sound. The few paragraphs she devotes to autism aren't crucial to the points she makes in the rest of the book, and the psychogenic theory of autism is pretty much dead today, and hardly in need of aggressive debunking, but she talks about increasing prevalence of autism with an urgency similar to the "autism epidemic" fears of today.
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The Classic Text of the Modern Women's Movement which Exploded the Myth of THE FEMININE MYSTIQUE!
It's the fiftieth anniversary of the publication of Betty Friedan's The Feminine Mystique, and instead of talking about the book as a whole, or evaluating it in a modern context (as so many other people, far better informed than I, have already done), I am going to spotlight one small part in the book, where she talks about autism.

(If you've read the book, even recently, you might not even remember her talking about autism at all! The idea might even strike you as anachronistic, given that freaking out over an Autism Epidemic is so pervasive in our time. But it's in there --- it hit me with particular force because I am autistic, and the passage is the kind of thing it's not at all nice to read if you're reading it about yourself.)

If you haven't read this book, do, especially if you're interested in feminism or women's history. As profoundly limited in scope as it is (a quality it shares with the earlier, similar work by Mary Wollstonecraft, A Vindication of the Rights of Woman, which also concerns itself with society's neglect of women's minds and non-reproductive capacities) --- the only women who show up in its pages are well-educated, middle-and-upper-class white women, who don't have to do hard, physical work (or much of any work) to survive, for whom work outside the home could be intellectually demanding and emotionally rewarding, instead of boring, exhausting, dangerous, soul-killing drudgery, and whose labor is only exploited within the home and never also outside it --- it's still valuable for its detailed enumeration of the psychological costs of limiting women's lives to marriage, home and family.

Off and on throughout the book, and in a more sustained fashion in Chapters Eleven and Twelve, Friedan talks about how, perversely, the 1950s and '60s funneling of women back into the full-time housewife role actually hurt family life and sexual relations. In Chapter Twelve, "Progressive Dehumanization," she describes a pattern she sees of women whose too-early entry into marriage and motherhood precluded their developing authentic selves of their own, and thus rendered them incapable of raising children with all the skills and character traits they needed to become independent, themselves.

(I am going to quote at some length from the chapter, so for readability's sake I'm going to do what I did in this post and not blockquote the entire thing, but instead draw lines above and below the quoted text to separate it from my own. Quotations within the quoted passage I will still blockquote).

Here she brings in autism as the logical endpoint of this Great Chain of Nonbeing, this "progressive dehumanization" as one psychologically stunted generation brings up another, even more psychologically stunted, to the point of being autistic.
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At its most extreme, this pattern of progressive dehumanization can be seen in the cases of schizophrenic children: "autistic" or "atypical" children, as they are sometimes called. I visisted a famous clinic which has been studying these children for almost twenty years. During this period, cases of these children, arrested at a very primitive, sub-infantile level, have seemed to some to be on the increase. The authorities differ as to the cause of this strange condition, and whether it is actually on the increase or only seems to be because it is now more often diagnosed. Until quite recently, most of these children were thought to be mentally retarded. But the condition is being seen more frequently now, in hospitals and clinics, by doctors and psychiatrists. And it is not the same as the irreversible, organic types of mental retardation. It can be treated, and sometimes cured.

These children often identify themselves with things, inanimate objects --- cars, radios, etc., or with animals --- pigs, dogs, cats. The crux of the problem seems to be that these children have not organized or developed strong enough selves to cope even with the child's reality; they live on the level of things or of instinctual biological impulse that has not been organized into human framework at all. As for the causes, the authorities felt they "must examine the personality of the mother, who is the medium through which the primitive infant transforms himself into a socialized human being."

At the clinic I visited (The James Jackson Putnam Children's Center in Boston) the workers were cautious about drawing conclusions about these profoundly disturbed children. But one of the doctors said, a bit impatiently, about the increasing stream of "missing egos, fragile egos, poorly developed selves" that he encountered --- "It's just the thing we've always known, that if the parent has a fragile ego, the child will."
Most of the mothers of the children who never developed a core of human self were "extremely immature individuals" themselves, though on the surface they "give the impression of being well-adjusted." They were very dependent on their own mothers, fled this dependency into early marriage, and "have struggled heroically to build and maintain the image they have created of a fine woman, wife and mother."

The need to be a mother, the hope and expectation that through this experience she may become a real person, capable of true emotions, is so desperate that of itself it may create anxiety, ambivalence, fear of failure. Because she is so barren of spontaneous manifestations of maternal feelings, she studies vigilantly all the new methods of upbringing and reads treatises about physical and mental hygiene. [This passage, along with the one a few paragraphs down, comes from Beata Rank (1949), "Adaptation of the Psychoanalytical Technique for the Treatment of Young Children with Atypical Development," American Journal of Orthopsychiatry*, Vol. 19, Issue 1, pp. 130-139]
Her omnipresent care of her child is based not on spontaneity but on following "the picture of what a good mother should be," in the hope that "through identification with the child, her own flesh and blood, she may experience vicariously the joys of real living, of genuine feeling."
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(Is anyone else starting to think of the evil Other Mother from "Coraline" yet?)
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And thus, the child is reduced from "passive inertia" to "screaming in the night" to non-humanness. "The passive child is less of a threat because he does not make exaggerated demands on the mother, who feels constantly in danger of revealing that emotionally she has little or nothing to offer, that she is a fraud." When she discovers that she cannot really find her own fulfillment through the child:
... she fights desperately for control, no longer of herself perhaps, but of the child. The struggles over toilet training and weaning are generally battles in which she tries to redeem herself. The child becomes the real victim --- victim of the mother's helplessness which, in turn, creates an aggression in her that mounts to destruction. The only way for the child to survive is to retreat, to withdraw, not only from the dangerous mother, but from the whole world as well.
And so he becomes a "thing," or an animal, or "a restless wanderer in search of no one and no place, weaving about the room, circling the walls as if they were bars he would break through."

In this clinic, the doctors were often able to trace a similar pattern back several generations. The dehumanization was indeed progressive.
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The first thing about this passage that jumps out at me is the objectification of the autistic children Friedan and her expert interlocutors are observing. 

It's just so explicit: autistic people are not human, we're not even conscious. We represent the endpoint of a multigenerational loss of humanity. It's kind of ironic and weird that a book whose aim is to prove that women's minds are more complex, capable of more and needing more, than the psych experts of the time thought possible, would make the same kind of categorical dismissal of the possibility of any inner life in another group of people.

Maybe it's not that weird. And the point she's trying to make --- that people who are shunted into parenthood without any opportunity to live their own lives, or find out what they really want (including whether they want to be parents!) tend to make poor parents --- is a valid one; it's just that autistic people are neither "dehumanized" nor the result of poor parenting. We're as fully human as anyone else.

Moving on: You can see Bruno Bettelheim's** "refrigerator mother" theory of autism supplying most of the basic theory here; it's just that Friedan is more sympathetic to the mothers than he is. Both writers (and Friedan was trained as a psychologist, too) think autism is a state of psychological emptiness (no self, no thoughts, no capacity to relate to others) caused by something going wrong in the mother/child relationship --- something the mother does wrong. Bettelheim thought children became autistic because their mothers rejected them --- at some level (whether they were aware of it or not) they "wish(ed) that (their) child(ren) should not exist." For Friedan, the problem starts earlier: the mothers' own emotional development is curtailed, because they never had a chance to do anything other than marry young and have children, so the mothers lean too hard on their young children for emotional support, which then stunts the children's emotional growth to an even greater extent. Mother and child are both victims, and the social order is to blame.

I see no difference at all between Friedan and Bettelheim in their degree of empathy for actual autistic children (and perish the thought that they might consider autistic adults): there is none. The whole point of both of their theories is that we are not people, we have no inner lives worth considering; they only differ on how we came to be that way. We represent the end stage of some pathology, whether it is social (patriarchy, in Friedan) or personal (refrigerator motherhood, in Bettelheim).

*Am I the only person who finds the term "orthopsychiatry" to be very creepy? It has a connotation of straightening, of bringing into line, that I don't think belongs in the mental-health profession. I know (partially from reading The Feminine Mystique itself, although The Organization Man and The Lonely Crowd also helped give me this impression) that that was indeed the aim of psychiatry in those days --- to bring people into line, to help them "adjust" --- but it still creeps me out a lot.

**Bettelheim isn't cited in any of the sections describing autism, probably because The Feminine Mystique predated his most famous work about autism, The Empty Fortress, by four years. But he had been running his Orthogenic School for "disturbed" children since the mid-1940s, and had written at least two things (an essay for Scientific American magazine, and an article about feral children, whom he believed were really autistic) about autism prior to The Feminine Mystique's publication in 1963. Bettelheim is quoted at length elsewhere in the chapter --- Friedan devotes a lot of space to his observations of his fellow prisoners in the Dachau and Buchenwald concentration camps. Also, William Long, who has written a series of articles on how various writers have understood autism throughout its history, believes that Bettelheim must have been popularizing his theories of autism long before he published The Empty Fortress, because Bernard Rimland criticizes Bettelheim and his "psychogenic" view of autism in his own book, Early Infantile Autism, published in 1964.

Friday, January 4, 2013

One More Air-Pollution Study

ResearchBlogging.orgIn the last post I confused this study (PDF) with an earlier one by the same group of researchers; I wrote about the earlier one, but linked to a post on Paul Whiteley's blog about the more recent one, which was published just last November.

(I also started describing this one, and then switched to describing the earlier one; in my last post, only one of the studies I mentioned used air-pollution data from the EPA's air-monitoring stations. The earlier study by these authors only used proximity to high-traffic roadways as their variable indicating pollution exposure.)

This paper combined the methods of the two studies I wrote about in the last post; it used the same pool of children born in California between 1997 and 2006 and drew on two sources of data on air pollution at the time and place those children were born: the EPA's air-quality data that I wrote about yesterday, and a computer model of average traffic flow, and exhaust emissions, along California's major roadways.

To some extent, you could see it as a more geographically dispersed version of the study I described yesterday that looked at prenatal exposure to air pollution in just Los Angeles County. 

(Weirdly, the LA-County-only study, though restricted to a smaller geographic area, involved way more people than the two traffic-related studies: 7,603 autistic and 75,782 control subjects, as opposed to this study's 279 autistic and 245 control subjects.)

But the relatively straightforward EPA data, which are direct measurements of the concentration of various pollutants at regular intervals, and which are only abstracted from each child's actual prenatal exposure in that 1) they do not measure what concentration of those pollutants actually got into the mothers' bodies, much less the fetuses', and 2) they were taken at sites some distance away from where the children actually live. 

So it's not a perfect data source, but it's still a lot more directly reflective of reality than this computer model seems to be:
The principal model inputs are roadway geometry, link-based traffic volumes, period-specific meteorological conditions (wind speed and direction, atmospheric stability, and mixing heights), and vehicle emission rates. Detailed roadway geometry data and annual average daily traffic counts were obtained from Tele Atlas/Geographic Data Technology in 2005. These data represent an integration of state-, county-, and city-level traffic counts collected between 1995 and 2000. Because our period of interest was from 1997 to 2008, the counts were scaled to represent individual years based on estimated growth in county average vehicle-miles-traveled data. Traffic counts were assigned to roadways based on location and street names. Traffic volumes on roadways without count data (mostly small roads) were estimated based on median volumes for similar class roads in small geographic regions. Meteorological data from 56 local monitoring stations were matched to the dates and locations of interest. Vehicle fleet average emission factors were based on the California Air Resource Board's EMFAC2007 (version 2.3) model. Annual average emission factors were calculated by year (1997-2008) for travel on freeways (65 mph), state highways (50 mph), arterials (35 mph), and collector roads (30 mph) (to convert to kilometers, multiply by 1.6). We used the CALINE4 model to estimate locally varying ambient concentrations of nitrogen oxides contributed by freeways, nonfreeways, and all roads located within 5 km of each child's home. Previously, we have used the CALINE4 model to estimate concentrations of other traffic-related pollutants, including elemental carbon and carbon monoxide, and found that they were almost perfectly correlated (around 0.99) with estimates for nitrogen oxides. Thus, our model-based concentrations should be viewed as an indicator of the traffic-related pollutant mixture rather than of any pollutant specifically.
So, to arrive at an estimate of how much of a certain category of air pollution (traffic-related air pollution) each mother and child in their study had been exposed to, they used a computer model to come up with average emissions for vehicles all over the state, traveling at various average speeds corresponding with their various categories of roads, for each year in their study. Then they entered that, along with all the other types of data mentioned above (winds, atmospheric conditions, traffic volume, road layout) into another computer model to arrive at the final answer.

I'm not criticizing their model; it actually seems like a pretty good one to my untrained eye. But my point is that there's a lot of extrapolating, averaging, assuming that what's true for location x will also be true for location y, and other things that make the model work but aren't grounded in direct observation and thus might not actually be true. 

That will be the case for any model, and this one has a few serious gaps in its data pool. They're missing eight years of traffic data from their eleven-year "period of interest," so they have to guess at what those numbers might be based on expected growth in traffic volumes. They're also missing traffic counts for some roads, so they estimate them based on the counts for other, similarly-sized roads.

It bears repeating that this model was not their only source of data on pollution exposure; they also used direct measurements taken by the EPA air-monitoring station(s) nearest to study participants' houses throughout the study period.

For traffic-related air pollution --- the type of pollution exposure they modeled rather than measured directly --- they found a difference between the highest- and lowest-exposure groups (with the former three times as likely to develop autism as the latter), but no difference between the lowest-exposure group and the two groups in the middle.

For the specific pollutants measured at EPA air-monitoring stations --- coarse and fine particulate matter, nitrogen oxides, ozone --- they found an increased likelihood of autism associated with greater exposure to particulate matter and nitrogen oxides, but not ozone. This effect was strongest during the third trimester of pregnancy. 

Unlike the other study I described that used the EPA air-quality data, this one did not find any change in the pattern when they adjusted for sociodemographic variables like child's sex, race/ethnicity, parents' educational level, mother's age, or mother's smoking during pregnancy.

Volk, H., Lurmann, F., Penfold, B., Hertz-Picciotto, I., & McConnell R. (2013). Traffic-Related Air Pollution, Particulate Matter, and AutismAir Pollution, Particulate Matter, and Autism JAMA Psychiatry, 70 (1) DOI: 10.1001/jamapsychiatry.2013.266

Thursday, January 3, 2013

Bizarre Things Purported to Cause Autism: Early Exposure to Air Pollution

A quick note: my (very) occasional "Bizarre Things..." series was never intended solely as a crank roundup. No, in my mind I resolved to cover every autism hypothesis*, however well- or ill-founded, plausible or implausible, that I ever heard of and thought "well, that's weird!"

Indeed, I have tagged (though not titled) a post discussing a pretty rigorous, well-thought-out study investigating something that's been common wisdom for a long, long time with the "bizarre hypotheses" label just because its tentative conclusion --- that there may be something more to the relationship between autism diagnoses and social class than the fact that rich people can afford to get their children seen by specialists and poor people can't --- surprised me.

So sometimes bizarreness is in the eye of the beholder, I guess.

Anyway, on to the business at hand.

Paul Whiteley has written a couple of posts on the idea that exposure to air pollution might play a role in determining whether a kid develops autism; he talks specifically about these two studies working with the same two data sets: the state of California's Department of Developmental Services' records of all children diagnosed with autism in the state, and where they lived at , and also data from the federal Environmental Protection Agency's Ambient Air Monitoring Program.

I've written about the former data set before, but not the latter. The EPA measures six major outdoor air pollutants (I'm sure they do a lot more, too, but these six are the ones that affect air-quality indices): two sizes of "particulate matter" (dust, ash, soot, smog), the "coarse" particles measuring between 2.5 and 10 micrometers in diameter or length, and "fine" particles smaller than 2.5 micrometers; carbon monoxide; nitrogen oxides; sulfur dioxide; lead; and ozone. They have monitoring stations set up all over the country, particularly thick on the ground near big, sprawling cities. How often the stations record measurements varies with what kind of equipment is being used to take them; some pollutants can only be measured daily, or once every few days, though some can be measured hourly. Either way, it's a huge volume of data.

The authors of the more recent study (PDF) restricted their analysis to Los Angeles County, so I can actually tell you how many monitoring stations' data that would encompass.
Map showing the locations of all the EPA air monitoring stations in LA County --- made by me!

This PDF lists, among lots and lots of other things, all the EPA air-monitoring stations in California and where they are located. Within Los Angeles County, it looks like there are nineteen: one in Commerce, one in Azusa, one in Burbank, one in Industry, one in Compton, one in Glendora, one at the Los Angeles International Airport (LAX), two in Long Beach, two in Los Angeles, one in Pasadena, one in Pico Rivera, one in Pomona, one in Vernon, one in Reseda, one in Santa Clarita, one in Santa Fe Springs, and one at the Van Nuys Airport. So I guess that's technically five that are somehow part of LA or attached to it. Not all of them measure every one of the six pollutants, either, but you can see which of them track what in the PDF I linked earlier.

The earlier study** focused on families living near highways throughout the state of California, and while I might theoretically be able to put together a list of all the cities and towns that have highways running through them, and cross-check that with the EPA's records of where their monitoring stations are (assuming they publicize them all), it sounds like more armchair detective work*** than I want to do. So I can't tell you how many stations are contributing their data to this study, but I'd guess that it's more than the LA County-only study used.

Anyway, both studies involved matching the geographic location of each autistic child in the study with some other spatial variable: for the earlier study, this other variable was distance between where they were born and a freeway or major road; for the more recent study, it was the EPA monitoring station nearest to where they were born. In that study, the researchers looked at the measurements for each pollutant recorded nearest to each child's birthplace averaged over each trimester of gestation.

Both studies compared their autistic subjects to same-age, same-sex peers from the same general area (LA County for the one study, not specified for the other); the ratio was 1:1 in the smaller, older study and 10:1 (control:autism) in the bigger, newer one. So the idea was, I guess, to check whether kids living in the same county, city, suburb, or whatever as a kid without autism tended to have lower prenatal exposure to air pollution (new study) or live somewhat further away from the closest high-traffic road (old study), than the kid with autism.

What did they find? It's complicated; in the newer, just-LA-county study, they found that exposure to some of the six pollutants was actually associated with a slightly lower likelihood of having an autism diagnosis, at least in the (more****) raw data. The only pollutant to show a significant increase in odds ratio (a measure of how much more likely a child exposed to a given pollutant is to develop autism than an unexposed child; if it's less than 1, it means less likely, more than 1 means more likely) before logistic regression was ozone, which gave a 1.19 odds ratio. (That's also the biggest increase found anywhere in this study, regression or no).

After adjusting for a bunch of variables they had expected to correlate with pollution exposure (maternal age, maternal education, race/ethnicity, gestational age and others), the odds ratio for ozone went down while the odds ratios for the other pollutants (nitrogen oxides, carbon monoxide and particulate matter) went up. Where they had been sitting at about 0.8 or 0.9 (i.e., maybe ten, fifteen or twenty percent less likely?), they moved to about 1.05. 

I have only the faintest notion of what a logistic regression actually does, but my understanding of it is that, when researchers have a lot of variables closely intertwined with the variable they're trying to study, they use a logistic regression to "correct for" those other variables. It's like a way to try and zero in on the one strand in the snarl that you're trying to trace.

Anyway, they also did another regression, this time by maternal education only, and compared odds ratios for autism risk associated with each pollutant among three groups: mothers with less than a high-school education, mothers with a high-school education, and mothers with more than a high-school education. Except for ozone, the odds ratio for each pollutant went up slightly as maternal education increased, with the biggest differences between the least- and most-educated categories. 

Somehow, the mother's level of education affects how strongly exposure to these airborne pollutants predicts whether her children develop autism.

I have absolutely no clue what to make of that, if I'm even reading it right.

The roads study's outcome was less brain-twisting: they found a correlation between living near a freeway (i.e., a state or interstate highway) and getting a diagnosis of autism, but they found no such correlation for other high-traffic roads. Since it's probably not the case that different kinds of pollutants are being spewed out by vehicles on highways vs. other big, heavily-traveled roads*****, I'm going to follow David Gorski's lead and write off the freeway association as an artifact of data-dredging.

Becerra, T., Wilhelm, M., Olsen, J., Cockburn, M., & Ritz, B. (2012). Ambient Air Pollution and Autism in Los Angeles County, California Environmental Health Perspectives DOI: 10.1289/ehp.1205827

Volk, H., Hertz-Picciotto, I., Delwiche, L., Lurmann, F., & McConnell, R. (2010). Residential Proximity to Freeways and Autism in the CHARGE Study Environmental Health Perspectives, 119 (6), 873-877 DOI: 10.1289/ehp.1002835


*Yes, I have yet to do posts on the big ones, like mercury, thimerosal (really part of the mercury one, but some people propose mercury-based explanations that don't mention thimerosal, so they probably deserve separate posts --- anyway the thimerosal one would be long enough even if it weren't folded into a larger post on mercury compounds), MMR. It's less a matter of not knowing what I want to say than it is a matter of figuring out whether, or how, to marshal all the available evidence.

**I belatedly find out that this study is actually a precursor to the one Whiteley is writing about, not the same one. The one he writes about takes an approach that looks to me like a blend of the two I'm writing about now: looking at both air-pollution data and proximity to high-traffic roads.

***Actually, it's not even armchair detective work, as I am not in an armchair when I use the computer. It's armless-hard-wooden-chair detective work, which is somewhat more grueling than armchair detective work. 

****I'm not sure how much, if any, of the data in this paper can be considered "raw" when you consider how much tinkering they did with the air-pollution data.

*****You could perhaps make an argument that it could be the case, what with there probably being more trucks on the highways than not, and with trucks using diesel instead of gasoline. I am unsure if that would make a difference in how much particulate matter or nitrogen oxides are produced, and also quite skeptical that such a difference would show up at all in a study like this.